31.5.09

Lots of Sunday confusion

CURRENT EVENTS
From today's New York Times article on how Sonia Sotomayor would be the Supreme Court's sixth Catholic:
A White House spokesman, speaking on background, put it this way: “She currently does not belong to a particular parish or church, but she attends church with family and friends for important occasions.”
Why is this on background? I simply do not understand. Is everyone forbidden to speak about her? Then why speak at all? Are even anodyne political justifications too hazardous? Why do newspapers put up with this?

And I simply do not understand, for entirely unrelated reasons, why this isn't seen as a profoundly ironic thing to say:
But legal scholars say that while Judge Sotomayor’s Catholic identity will undoubtedly shape her perceptions, they will not determine how she would rule on the bench.
Replace "Catholic identity" with "Puerta Rican background."

A meditation on the virtue of a vigorous national paper: On the day Obama announced the nomination of Sonia Sotomayor for the Supreme Court, the New York Times published, in addition to their straight-up news story and a analysis piece, a biography of her that ran six virtual pages. It also carried this insane credit:
Contributors to this article include Jo Becker, David Gonzalez, Jodi Kantor, Serge F. Kovaleski, William K. Rashbaum, Benjamin Weiser, Manny Fernandez, Karen Zraick, Colin Moynihan, Richard Pérez-Peña and Michael Powell and Tamar Lewin from New York; and Charlie Savage, Scott Shane and Neil A. Lewis from Washington. Kitty Bennett, Itai Maytal and Barclay Walsh contributed research.
Add the author, Sheryl Gay Stoleberg, and it was a 20-person effort.

29.5.09

What does an eighth-grader read?

ACADEMIC STANDARDS
When I started as a journalist, I was told to write to an "eighth grade reading level." Having no idea what was appropriate for an eighth-grader, I just wrote as simply and clearly as I could. At that time, I was more often graded up--experienced editors replacing my clumsy phrasing with one of those swift verbs journalists rely on (and sometimes overuse)--than down. With time, I've learned the key is consistency; if you're going to drop a ten-dollar word, you better spend heavily through the whole piece. That's why this lede perplexed me:
Even lionized super-presidents occasionally placed boneheads in prominent positions, and paid a price for it. A certain memo from Abraham Lincoln, donated to the National Archives by a private collector yesterday, reminds us of this. (my emphases)
I wager "boneheads" have never been so near to--or nearly--"lionized." I applaud the intent, but even ignoring the odd tense of the first sentence and the curious structure of the second, I find myself a bit bewildered. Will the tone be polished or populist? But then what follows for the next few grafs is merely Washington Post-pedestrian--flawless and sharp but lacking a distinctive style. Then we get a nutgraf that must have cost a fortune:
The memo seems a startling distraction to a president embroiled in a cataclysmic and bloody war. Thus it neatly illustrates one of the immutable laws of presidential politics then and now: Individual imbroglios fester at will, anytime, without regard for the deeper national crisis. (again, my emphases)
I know all these words. Heck, I would like all of them to come to tongue as readily as they seemingly do for Dan Zak. However, grouping them in one graf is like a linguistic firework finale. It sure as hell gets your attention--but it distracts from a fascinating story that is otherwise quite well-told.

AP Style Fact: Elementary school children and middle schoolers carry not just backpacks, but hyphens. From the moment they become "first-graders" to when they cease to be "eighth-graders."

28.5.09

Sotomayor, Sotomayor, Sotomayor and other Thursday readings

CURRENT EVENTS
Sotomayor is everywhere. What do we know about her?

Politico tells us that she would likely be the poorest member of the Supreme's, she dislikes the selling of the presidency (and other offices), last year she won nearly $9,000 gambling, and Democratic strategists are pushing the "misspoke" strategy on the "wise Latina" comment.

The New York Times informs us that the selection process reached out to allies so she wouldn't "chewed up by friendly fire" and to Republicans on the Judiciary Committee. Then it tells us about the allies chewing her up and the Republicans on the Judiciary Committee who say it is "premature" to render judgement, but still find her comments "very troubling."

The Washington Post eschews actual news and has Eugene Robinson, Dana Milbank, Charles Krauthammer and Michael Gerson each say their piece.

So much ink.
###
It takes a fearless paper to run a front-page story on teenagers tendency to clasp one another with their arms. Yes, hugging is all the rage at the NYT.

26.5.09

Lewis and the Big Swinging Dicks

BOOK REPORT
In 1985, the most talented young trader in the most profitable division of Wall Street’s most profitable firm made a decision that would destroy the division and ultimately the firm. He decided to leave.

Howard Rubin, a former Las Vegas card shark, had been paid a $175,000 bonus the year before. It was the maximum allowed a second-year trader under the guidelines of his employer, Salomon Brothers. But while he had made a fortune--$30 million--for Salomon, as had his entire division, the firm as a whole had not done well. So, when Merrill Lynch (a happier, flusher vintage) promised him $1 million a year plus trading profits, he jumped ship. Over the next months, most of his shipmates did the same. Salmon never recovered.

Reading Rubin’s story earlier this year in Liar’s Poker, Michael Lewis’ two-decade-old account of his time playing “possibly the most absurd money game ever,” it was hard not to think of AIG. The companies’ situations are hardly comparable; Salmon was making a killing, AIG is smothering American taxpayers. Yet if a fresh initiate to the money culture was willing to leave the hottest department at the hottest firm on Wall Street (a firm that, according to Lewis, Rubin cared deeply about) for a few dollars more, then why should one expect anything else from the despised wretches at AIG.

There are a lot of comfortable truths in Lewis’ book. Wall Street’s herd mentality, rumor-mongering (in a two year span, he recalls, Chairman of the Federal Reserve Paul Volker resigned seven times and died twice), sexism, racism, and fundamental absurdity (“Why did investment banking pay so many people with so little experience so much money? Answer: When attached to a telephone, they could produce even more money”) are all well documented.

Lewis even decries the forgetfulness bred by bonuses, the receipt of which he likened to a meeting with the “divine Creator” to learn “your worth as a human being.” “On January 1, 1987”—the day of the meeting—“1986 would be erased from memory except for a single number: the amount of money you were paid. That number was the final summing up.” Hindsight can’t be monetized, it seems.

And, despite its vintage, the book provides some eerie echoes of the current crisis: the failure of ratings agencies, the biggest bonuses on the eve of the bust, and the separation of borrowers and lenders. The real shocker is his own firm’s role in the creation of most of today’s problems—mortgage bundling, mortgage securities, collateralized mortgage obligations, etc. But the less convenient implications of his tale are no less instructive.

Much of the book concerns the rise and fall of Salomon’s “marvelous money machine,” or mortgage department, which was responsible for the creations listed above. The division had made the bulk of the firms money for the better part of a decade, yet when it is dismantled near the end of Lewis’ short tenure there, we learn that upper management, including John Gutfreund, who at the time paid himself more than any other Wall Street CEO, needed a private seminar on mortgage-backed securities. If you believe Lewis on all other accounts, you have to believe him that sometimes management are a bunch of know-nothings.

This all gives no credit to Lewis’ writing itself, which deserves a post of its own, especially given this blog is dedicated to journalism, not financial matters. Suffice to say that the book is consistently funny, occasionally snarky, satisfying introspective without being solipsistic and always crystal clear. We don’t get MBA’s managing the capital flows and allocating resources, we get Big Swinging Dicks terrorizing geeks and waging war.

21.5.09

A strikingly similar perspective from... Gitmo

CURRENT EVENTS
Newt Gingrich's favorite target of late has been the group of 17 Chinese Muslims, known as Uighurs, being held at Guantanamo. In response to concerns that repatriating them to China would lead to them being tortured, he asked his Fox handler, "Why is that our problem?" And in a recent Washington Examiner op-ed, he charged, falsely, "[b]y their own admission, Uighurs being held at Guantanamo Bay are members of or associated with the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM), an al Qaeda-affiliated group designated as a terrorist organization under U.S law."

The Uighurs, who have say they were never members of the group, had a chance to respond recently, in what some are calling the "first quasi-interview with detainees imprisoned in Guantanamo." From the Huffington Post:
"Why does he hate us so much and say those kinds of things? He doesn't know us. He should talk to our attorneys if he's curious about our background," [their translator Rushan] Abbas relates. "How could he speak in such major media with nothing based in fact?...

The Uighurs are apparently under the misconception that American columnists are fact-checked for accuracy. "They just cannot understand," she says. "How come the media doesn't even verify the story? How could they just publish something like that without checking whether what he says is true or not?"
I often ask the same thing myself.

19.5.09

Upward mobility among bloggers

Big news yesterday in the blogosphere: associate editor and blogger for the American Prospect, Ezra Klein, officially made the switch to the Washington Post. He will of course still be blogging at WaPo, so it's not quite as dramatic a shift as 29-year-old Ross Douthat's jump from a similar dual post at the Atlantic to the op-ed page of the New York Times. Ezra is the second TAP editor/blogger to join the Post in as many years, following Garance Franke-Ruta, who left TAP to cover the 2008 campaign.

Fans of upstart young bloggers like Ezra (25) see this as a sign that WaPo and other traditional media outlets are recognizing the value of incorporating the type of coverage and analysis you see at sites such as TAP and TPM. The NYT seems to be recognizing this value as well, though they appear less inclined to pay for it than the Post does.

Of course, simply providing hip and dynamic online content doesn't solve the problem of how to get paid for that content, or how to replace advertising dollars lost to craigslist and websites of similar ilk. So it won't single-handedly revive a financially decrepit industry (darn!). It does address another concern, however-- when articles lean too heavily toward "just the facts, ma'am", and editorials devolve into party talking points or opportunities for unreflective snark and complaint, blogs can provide a flexible medium for a middle ground between the two, to supplement -- though not supplant -- the more traditional article/editorial dichotomy.

Here's an example: Klein's specialty is health care policy. A weekly column is not a good medium for giving sophisticated, nuanced accounts of the state of health care reform. And while plain ol' articles on important events are good, you aren't really allowed to add context like, "Ben Nelson seems to understand little about what a public option for health care would entail other than the fact that he is opposed to any iteration of the idea" when you are reporting news. Enter the blog.

Most blogs acknowledge an ideological tilt up front, be it toward progressivism (Klein, Yglesias, TPM), conservatism (Red State, The Corner), or sensationalism (POLITICO!, Drudge Report!). But this doesn't stop the best blogs from doing what they can to empirically back up their assertions -- and there is an interactive community of peers and readers to call them out when they don't. In fact, Klein was one of the many bloggers to take issue with the stubborn inaccuracies in a couple climate change columns by his soon-to-be-colleague, George Will.

The Washington Post would do well to look for more Ezra Kleins and fewer George Wills. That's change we can believe in.

17.5.09

The importance of purple fuzz

ENGLISH DEPARTMENT
Around a decade ago, Brooklyn-born poet Steve Kowit received a call from a frantic friend. She was about to interview for a position teaching poetry in an MFA program and was "terrified" she might be asked about, well, the rules that guide the usage of the language she had been using--to some renown--all her life. In a word, grammar. He laughed and told her that teaching poetry (like doing good journalism, I must add) is not dependent on knowing the parts of speech (though it can't hurt if you do). After hanging up the phone, he wrote her this wicked villanelle:
The Grammar Lesson

A noun's a thing. A verb's the thing it does.
An adjective is what describes the noun.
In "The can of beets is filled with purple fuzz"

of and with are prepositions. The's
an article, a can's a noun,
a noun's a thing. A verb's the thing it does.

A can can roll — or not. What isn't was
or might be, might meaning not yet known.
"Our can of beets is filled with purple fuzz"

is present tense. While words like our and us
are pronouns — i.e. it is moldy, they are icky brown.
A noun's a thing; a verb's the thing it does.

Is is a helping verb. It helps because
filled isn't a full verb. Can's what our owns
in "Our can of beets is filled with purple fuzz."

See? There's almost nothing to it. Just
memorize these rules...or write them down!
A noun's a thing, a verb's the thing it does.
The can of beets is filled with purple fuzz.
She got the job. (And I got the story from Minnesota Public Radio's Grammar Grater.)

16.5.09

Health care industry wins another week's news cycle

CURRENT EVENTS
It was big news. It was really big news. Details were scarce and the source was anonymous, but it was Sunday and things were likely slow. Besides, that hadn't held them back before. So the Washington Post put it on Monday's front page: "Health groups offer $2 trillion in cost savings." They even matched it with an analysis piece that showed some admirable skepticism--just not about the leak itself.

If you picked up the paper the next day, Tuesday, you might have been excused for double checking the nameplate. It was a different paper. The doubts in a piece on Obama's full-throated endorsement of the pledge first sounded in a subhead ("Despite Fanfare, Experts Say Plan Lacks Key Details"), was echoed in the lede ("the industry's promises fell well short of the White House's expansive claims") and reached full pitch by the nut graf ("Many offered a cautionary note that warm words from the industry cannot be mistaken for enforceable policy changes"). And don't missthis gleeful quote: " 'An unrivaled set of abstractions and posturing,' said Alan Sager, a professor of health policy and management at Boston University."

Not content with a merely factual skewering, the editorial board also delivered the paper's opinion (half of which consisted of rehashing their reporters' criticisms without the qualifiers). But it wasn't until Friday that the whole mix-up confronted head on--in a completely different paper. The New York Times laid it out plain and simple:
Hospitals and insurance companies said Thursday that President Obama had substantially overstated their promise earlier this week to reduce the growth of health spending.
The article goes on to detail, point by point, how there are no points on which Obama's perceptions and the health care industry's intentions coincide. Plus, we see a little inside hardball:
Nancy-Ann DeParle, director of the White House Office of Health Reform, said “the president misspoke” on Monday and again on Wednesday when he described the industry’s commitment in similar terms. After providing that account, Ms. DeParle called back about an hour later on Thursday and said: “I don’t think the president misspoke. His remarks correctly and accurately described the industry’s commitment.”
Is the administration still trying to spin this into life? Or is the message just confused? And should a reporter just throw this into a story without noting that it flatly contradicts the actual state of affairs?

But let's step back. On Monday, as everyone ends their weekend and gets back to reading the newspapers (those few that still do), there was a big anonymous announcement that the health care industry is going to take one on the chin for the good of everyone. But by Friday it is revealed that the administration is only hearing what it wants too. Awfully convenient that it took the health care industry until the week's deadest news day to step up and say, 'Actually, you've got that all wrong.' Ugh.

14.5.09

"Experimenting with drug programs"

CURRENT EVENTS
Maybe my radar is oversensitive, but it seems the Murdoch-era Wall Street Journal gets a little weird when handling drugs. Writing up the new drug czar's expressed desire to quit using that tired, unhelpful, "bellicose" analogy--'War on Drugs'--we got the poor, partisan, punny and plaudit-worthy all in a bundle.

First there was the misleading headline (that got me briefly hopeful):
Whie House Czar Calls for End to 'War on Drugs'
Next there was the passive aggressiveness (my italics):
The administration also said federal authorities would no longer raid medical-marijuana dispensaries in the 13 states where voters have made medical marijuana legal. Agents had previously done so under federal law, which doesn't provide for any exceptions to its marijuana prohibition.
It seems this deserves a fuller explanation (are there other laws that are willfully ignored?) or a different handling. From the left (my territory), failing to explain this leaves an important issue without context. But from the right, the case is equally obvious for explaining why the feds can just ignore the law.

Maybe it is no wonder that things then got giggly:
Mr. Kerlikowske was most recently the police chief in Seattle, a city known for experimenting with drug programs.
Hey, how do you know what they're like if you don't, you know, experiment a bit?

But there is still some of that old sharpness:
"The average rank-and-file officer is saying, 'He can't control two blocks of Seattle, how is he going to control the nation?' " Mr. O'Neill said.

12.5.09

Sunday night gushing at the White House

ACADEMIC STANDARDS

This Monday the nation’s major papers all ran, as Politico’s The Huddle pointed out, “leaked” reports of a health industry pledge to limit rises in health care costs. Let me repeat: Just about every big-time reporter on the health care beat got a Sunday night head’s up on this story. I would think there was quite a gusher in the White House if I didn’t know better.

Basic political strategy dictates that whenever you want a story to get major play, you get it in the Monday papers. (Conversely, almost every piece of bad news is released late Friday afternoon.) They set the tone for the week. Thus leaks, more often than not, are about controlling the news cycle, both weekly and daily.

Should journalists note this? Thanks mostly to Judith Miller, they now take up an extra line with the reasoning of any anonymous source. Would it also be prudent to point out the dynamics of a leak? I understand that news is news and should be published regardless of the source’s motives. And I understand that space is limited. But perhaps a one-line acknowledgement of why everyone got so talkative right on a Sunday night would be in order.

10.5.09

Ruthless pragmatism, historic highs and other Sunday readings

CURRENT EVENTS
The NYT gives a lesson in how to, in under 1,800 words, write a wide angle feature on a sprawling topic (state benefits, in this case).
# # #
The mainstream media isn't known for its memory, at least among bloggers, but when an outlet puts its mind on the task, the results can be gratifying, like this fantastically contradictory history of Obama's record on judicial nominees.
# # #
The Washington Post takes a Safirian look at the word that has come to define Obama's ideology (hint: don't think hope). You've got to love the second and third paragraphs:
Everything Obama does is pragmatic. His adviser David Axelrod let it be known just after the election that Obama was a "pragmatist and a problem solver," which was a good thing, because, as Axelrod had said shortly before the election, "people are in a pragmatic mood, not an ideological mood." When Obama introduced his national security team, he declared that "they share my pragmatism about the use of power." And as he recently told the New York Times, the same goes for his economic policy, where "what I've been constantly searching for is a ruthless pragmatism."

Ruthless pragmatism! It sends shivers up the spine. But what does it mean, really, to have a "pragmatic" president?

Find out.
# # #
Even when I don't turn to its op-ed page, the WSJ still makes me depressed. "I wasn't surprised I didn't get those jobs in, like, museums," a Kenyon College history major tells the paper. "But I was surprised that no one was willing to hire me to do anything."
# # #
Momentous news: A blogger gets quoted high up in a story unrelated to blogging (or politics). Sure, it was in the Christian Science Monitor, but it is progress. On the other hand, the paper inexcusably failed to note either the ideological bent of his publication or why they were quoting him in particular (I suspect it had a lot to do with Google). And on an unrelated note, I commend their straight-faced humor, be it willing or unintentional:
"We are actually talking about historic highs [my emphasis] when it comes to public support of taxing and regulating marijuana for adult consumption," says Paul Armentano, deputy director of the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML).
# # #
Random news note: Is John Boehner's spokesperson really one 'e' removed from being the RNC chairman? I found out here.

9.5.09

The Globe's soulless use of third person

Journalists often go out of their way to avoid inserting themselves in their stories. Observe and report, observe and report. Which is how you get sentences like this from the Globe:
Brenner said she saw one person with a scalp laceration and, as she spoke to a reporter, she was on her way to get an X-ray at Boston Medical Center.
It is probably safe to assume that "a reporter" is one of the folks who wrote the story, not some random journalist who was also there. And while "a reporter" is better than say, "me", there is an easy way to avoid this awkward phrasing and ambiguity. Simply substitute the paper or institution in place of any potential first person references, like so: "as she spoke to the Globe". It's a pretty common convention, and I like it better than alternatives like "this reporter".

Obviously, this is a small quibble, but clarity is important! And in this case, it seems "a reporter" is heartlessly preventing an accident victim from receiving urgent X-rays in order to extract painful memories from said victim. Oh, the humanity. And to think I mourned the Globe's financial woes and uncertain future.

2.5.09

Who makes the list?

CURRENT EVENTS
Though Obama made masterful use of the third-person singular Friday in discussing his ideal replacement for Supreme Court Justice David Souter--no "he" or "she," just "they"--the papers still dominated their second-day stories with the names of possible leading ladies. But where did these names come from? The Los Angeles Times cites amorphous "political and legal observers," while both the New York Times and Washington Post magic away the sources with subject-less phrases. The Wall Street Journal goes much farther than its peers in exploring this (though it ultimately credits "court observers"):

The process for identifying a high court nominee began well before Mr. Obama became president, when a judicial-selection working group was set up in his transition offices to identify candidates for Supreme Court and appellate-court vacancies.

Mr. Obama, a former constitutional-law instructor, suggested names for consideration to the Supreme Court in December during working-group meetings in Chicago and Washington, aides said.

Now, I know these lists are nothing more than an amalgamation of the guesses of top legal experts, bloggers' hopes and reporters' hunches, but why not be more honest about that? Especially given how wrong these initial lists have proved in the past? Did anyone see Bush's Harriet Miers coming?
# # #
Idiot quote of the day goes to the Washington Post:
"He says he wants to appoint judges who show empathy, but what does that mean?" said Wendy Long, chief counsel to the Judicial Confirmation Network. "Who do you have empathy for? If you have empathy for everybody, you have empathy for nobody."

Is that the most articulate conservative they could find?

1.5.09

Specter's Switch

Arlen Specter's defection takes me back to the days of the McCain campaign, observing how journalists decided what was mavericky and what was political opportunism. In the case of Specter, it would have been quite difficult for him to win the rematch of his close 2004 primary fight against right-winger Pat Toomey, given that as many as 200,000 presumably moderate PA Republicans switched affiliation to vote in the Dem Presidential Primary, and what's left of the GOP base was less than thrilled with Specter's stimulus vote. So the party switch seems to have been a move of political necessity.

Similarly, it can be tough to find the ideological continuity in some of Specter's votes and positions -- flip-flopping on EFCA, some rather extreme judicial appointment endorsements, and previous suggestions of making party-flipping verboten -- further boosting the claim that he's the "unprincipled hack" Jon Chait and other bloggers say he is.

However, the Republican Party has marched steadily to the right in the past 8 years (obligatory sentence for Martians), causing many conservatives to question how comfortable they feel remaining in the GOP. And in a two-party system, it's unclear what recourse there is for a Northeastern Republican.

At the very least this will create even more political theater for journalists, as Specter could end up being the deciding vote on a few bills, one way or the other. And there may be opportunities for interesting dynamics on items like health care and climate change where a coalition of 60 will be formed with votes from Specter and one or two of the Senators from Maine, but without Democrats like Nelson or Bayh.